Key Sources for Information about Nordic-Baltic Defense and Security Cooperation The Nordic-Baltic region has emerged as a significant security actor in Europe, with all eight countries now united as NATO members following Sweden and Finland's accession. This comprehensive integration has created new opportunities for enhanced regional cooperation. This report examines the key sources of information regarding Nordic-Baltic defense and security cooperation, highlighting official government resources, research institutions, cooperation frameworks, and recent developments that shape the regional security landscape. Government and Official Institutional SourcesNational Government Websites and MinistriesGovernment websites of Nordic and Baltic countries serve as primary sources for official statements, press releases, and policy documents regarding regional defense cooperation. The Swedish Government's website provides comprehensive information on Sweden's role in the Nordic-Baltic security architecture and hosts important announcements about regional initiatives1. Similarly, the Norwegian Government's website features detailed news stories and policy statements regarding Norway's engagement with Nordic-Baltic security cooperation2. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Lithuania maintains dedicated pages on Nordic-Baltic cooperation (NB8), providing historical context, evolution, and current frameworks of collaboration. Their resources explain how the cooperation format transformed from what was initially called the "5+3" format (five Nordic countries plus three Baltic states) to the current NB8 structure after the August 2000 ministerial meeting11. This source is particularly valuable for understanding the institutional development of regional cooperation. Latvia's government portal also offers insights into Latvia's perspective on regional security matters, with Prime Minister Evika Siliņa emphasizing that "after Finland and Sweden joined NATO, closer regional cooperation among the Baltic states and the Nordic countries has become a daily necessity"5. These statements from national leaders provide context for understanding policy priorities. Ministry of Defense ResourcesThe Lithuanian Ministry of Defense website includes a dedicated FAQ section on the Nordic-Baltic Eight, describing it as "an informal format for cooperation between the five Nordic and three Baltic states" that holds "annual meetings of defence ministers, military commanders, defence policy directors and experts to discuss security issues in the Baltic Sea region"6. This resource provides concise explanations of the cooperation structures. Key Reports and Strategic DocumentsThe Stoltenberg Report (Upcoming June 2025)Perhaps the most anticipated document in Nordic-Baltic security cooperation is the forthcoming report by former NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg. Appointed by the Heads of State and Government of all eight Nordic and Baltic countries in January 2025, Stoltenberg has been tasked with preparing "an independent report with policy recommendations aimed at advancing Nordic-Baltic security and defence cooperation"123. The report will analyze and present recommendations on enhancing regional cooperation to strengthen deterrence and defense, focusing primarily on military defense but also addressing measures to counter Russian sabotage and hybrid threats13. The report is scheduled for presentation ahead of the NATO Summit in The Hague in June 2025 and will explore several thematic areas of Nordic-Baltic cooperation, including unified efforts in support of Ukraine, enablement of Allied operations within the NATO Defense Planning Process (NDPP) framework, air warfare including Integrated Air and Missile Defense (IAMD), and defense industry and innovation13. This document will likely serve as a foundational text for future regional security cooperation. The Birkavs-Gade ReportA historical but still relevant document is the Birkavs-Gade report, established in 2010 at the initiative of the Baltic states. This report, prepared by former Latvian Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Valdis Birkavs and former Danish Minister of Defense Søren Gade, provided a comprehensive analysis and initial recommendations for Nordic-Baltic cooperation11. The report was approved at the NB8 Ministerial meeting in August 2011 and offered practical guidelines for regional development, particularly regarding foreign policy dialogue. While now over a decade old, this document established many of the foundations for current cooperation mechanisms. Think Tank AnalysesThe Atlantic Council's Transatlantic Initiative on Nordic-Baltic Security has produced policy papers capturing "the remarkable transformation of the Nordic-Baltic region" and suggesting "actionable ways ahead to further deepen collaboration"9. These analyses, supported by Sweden's Ministry for Foreign Affairs, aim to raise awareness in Washington about Nordic-Baltic security issues and develop policy proposals for enhanced regional cooperation. The Institute for Security and Development Policy (ISDP) published an analysis in December 2024 titled "How the Nordic-Baltic states are leading the way on European security," which examines the increasing significance of these eight countries in European security architecture. The article notes a November 2024 meeting where Nordic-Baltic leaders and the Polish Prime Minister pledged to "step up military support to Ukraine and continue to invest in their own deterrence and resilience"12. The Centre for European Reform offers analyses on Nordic-Baltic security initiatives, including discussions about expanding the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) to include Poland and Ukraine, which could provide a "deterrent presence in Ukraine through frequent exercises and the provision of air support"10. These think tank publications provide contextual analysis that complements official government sources. Cooperation Frameworks and Organizational StructuresNordic-Baltic Eight (NB8)The Nordic-Baltic Eight (NB8) serves as the primary informal regional cooperation format, including Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, and Sweden. This non-institutionalized framework began with the first Nordic and Baltic Foreign Ministers' meeting in Copenhagen in December 199011. The NB8 cooperation evolved significantly after the Baltic states joined the EU and NATO in 2004, transforming "what started as a very active support by the Nordic countries to Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to consolidate their newly regained independence" into "a cooperation among equal partners"11. The format is particularly significant now as all eight countries belong to the same defense alliance (NATO), following Finland and Sweden's recent accession. Denmark holds the chairmanship of the NB8 format during 2025, with Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen noting that "the Nordic-Baltic region is facing a more serious security situation"125. NORDEFCO and Baltic CooperationThe Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO) has been strengthening its ties with the Baltic states, as documented on the NORDEFCO website. In 2020, significant progress was made in enhancing Nordic-Baltic defense cooperation, including "an agreement on exercise coordination between the Nordic and Baltic States" and increased representation of Baltic states in NORDEFCO Working Groups8. Finland, as the NORDEFCO chair in 2021, set the goal of continuing to enhance cooperation and dialogue with the Baltic states. Cyber Bridge ForumThe Cyber Bridge Forum represents a specialized aspect of Nordic-Baltic cooperation, focusing on cybersecurity. This Nordic-Baltic CyberSkills Think Tank unites "cybersecurity professionals, educators, and institutions across the Nordic and Baltic regions to actively address the cybersecurity skills gap and build digital resilience together"4. For 2025, the forum has established five working groups focusing on cross-border sharing of educational materials, building better cybersecurity case studies, and integrating cybersecurity in non-tech programs, among other initiatives4. Current Developments and Future DirectionsSweden and Finland's NATO MembershipA transformative development in Nordic-Baltic security has been Finland and Sweden's accession to NATO, which means that "for the first time in history, all the Nordic and Baltic countries are members of the same military alliance"3. This historic policy shift has opened "a new chapter of Nordic-Baltic security and defence cooperation"13, creating opportunities for deeper integration of security systems and defense planning. Increased Focus on Russian ThreatsThe Nordic-Baltic security cooperation has intensified in response to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and increased hybrid threats toward the West. Regional leaders recognize the need for coordinated responses to counter "Russian sabotage and other hybrid threats"12513. The commissioned Stoltenberg report is expected to draw on "lessons learned from Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine"13 to strengthen regional resilience. Support for UkraineThe Nordic-Baltic countries have positioned themselves as strong supporters of Ukraine, with recent meetings pledging to "step up military support to Ukraine"12. The forthcoming Stoltenberg report will specifically address "unified effort in support of Ukraine" as one of its thematic areas13, indicating the region's commitment to supporting Ukraine's defense against Russian aggression. ConclusionThe Nordic-Baltic region has evolved into a cohesive security community with increasing significance in European security architecture. The sources highlighted in this report provide comprehensive insights into the institutional frameworks, policy priorities, and future directions of Nordic-Baltic defense and security cooperation. With the anticipated Stoltenberg report in June 2025, the region is poised to further enhance its collaborative efforts in addressing common security challenges and strengthening its collective defense posture within the NATO framework. As the security landscape continues to evolve, these sources will remain essential for understanding the dynamics of Nordic-Baltic cooperation and its implications for European and transatlantic security. Citations:
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